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明日的中国

时间:2011-01-11 00:27 点击:
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对研究中国的学者和统治中国的人物来说,中国从来就是一个挑战。没有其它的国家像中国这样历史连绵不绝,就像查斯·弗里曼所说,只有中国如此形象地表现出历史的特点:未来很少重复过去,但很容易就奏出与过去相似的旋律。

中国在过去几百年里遭遇不幸,但是她又重整旗鼓,正走上成为世界事务中心的道路。随着财富和权势的恢复,中国的领导人表现出对未来的坚定自信。

他们同时也注意到,在幅员如同大洲一般的国土上统治由十三亿人组成的共和国是前无古人的事业。要将如此众多胸怀大志的个体和难以驾驭的地区转化成一个和谐而富于创新的整体,这样的重任使他们的努力显得渺小。在这个重任面前中国的成败又会带来些什么呢?

中国曾有的显著地位

美国形成的时代,是大西洋主宰世界的时代,是工业革命的光辉遮蔽中国和印度的时代,因而美国没有同一个在更正常历史状态下的中国打交道的经验,而在那之前的一千年里,亚洲曾是世界的重心。如果要合作,我们就需要处理好双方间的紧张关系-对许多有争议问题道德评判不同使得紧张关系难以避免。

无论如何,在21世纪包括美国在内的后工业化世界里,在越来越多的人类获取财富的领域里,亚洲以何种形式重新获得其领导地位将由中国及其邻国决定。

尽管面临着各种挑战,我们有充足的理由来努力理解中国和其它亚洲国家,不是像我们的政客和“专家们“所描述的样子,而是它们的本来面目。

从不列颠到中国

在美利坚合众国诞生之际,一些人口中的“天朝”出现中我们的脑海中,激发起我们的想象力。那时,中国的经济占到世界的三成多,接近世界的五分之二。

美国的先父们很快就着上了迷,突破了过去英国统治者的关系,直接同中国建立了经济联系。

旧世界的经验

他们对中国本身几乎一无所知,只不过吸纳了欧洲人的理想,将中国视为一个文明最先进、社会最有序,同时是地球上人口最众的国度。

在美国的开国先父们设计政府体系之时,这些智慧的政治工程师吸取了莱布尼茨和伏尔泰的深思,力图通过对基督耶稣的崇敬来学习中国所突显出的良好社会状态的秘决。

同时,他们注意到了蒙德斯鸠批评中国笃信礼义,依赖德治而不是法治来实现社会稳定的做法。当然,那时他们都并不明白谈论的到底是什么。

新的迷恋

现在,中国又一次占据了美国人的想像力。而且,如同以往一样,对中国的无知不能阻挡你做出自信预测。所以毫不奇怪,既有将中国视为同美国一般财富源泉的积极的政治评价,也有说教的预言和忠告,称中国不过是华而不实、徒有其表。

几乎美国所有的意识形态分支和利益集团都对中华人民共和国有自己的看法。一些人仅因为着迷,其他人则因为恐惧。许多人使用中国牌来证明自己的政治观点,或者为他们所致力事业的酬款。

一些分歧

比如,有些时候,在诸如台湾、西藏或香港民主运动的问题上,美国人被那些议会游说者变为了大中国地区的分裂分子、反对派运动的代言人。那些人希望合众国出手找到怪物将其消灭,他们总是能够在中国找到某个值得我们关注的理由。中国已经成为了一个能同时表现美国人梦想和恐惧的舞台。

一些不和没法子解决。大多数中国人不相信上帝存在,这一直令美国的新教传道者深受冒犯。而以中国人的角度看,他们有自己的痛苦记忆,外国的炮舰曾伴随着传教士深入他们的江河,而受基督教影响的太平天国叛乱曾造成千百万人丧生。

有些美国人会始终站在神圣的达赖喇嘛一边,反对中国对西藏的统治。同时,支持西藏独立的中国人又比主张放弃威尔士的英国人还少。中国的计划生育政策也受到美国反对堕胎的宗教右翼势力的强烈谴责。

中国的私事

就中国人而言,他们解释说如果美国有中国一样的耕地人口比例,美国就会有30亿人要养活。那样的话,美国人也就会将人口控制看作是一项必须的公共政策云云。

中美间存在这样或那样紧张关系,由于一些问题中国人认为是自己的私事与美国人无关,有时候他们是对的,有时候就不见得对,而这都是建立在两国实际的差异之上。

如何共处

除非中美有一方改变,这种现象不会发生变化,而中美双方都不可能很快做到这一点。所以,如果两国要在不太有争议的领域合作,实现共同利益,必须处理好由于不同的道德观念而在更有争议的问题上所不可避免要产生的紧张的双边关系。#p#分页标题#e#

要做到这一点,双方不仅要理解产生各自真实感受的原因,还要明白此感受实际带来作用,以及由此产生的,与各自想像相反的实际后果。

在中美双边和全球互动交往中,这样的深刻认识就显得尤为关键-有些要务影响到彼此重要的利益,如经济繁荣、国家利益和国家安全,其间的利害关系对双方都要更为重要。

译文:China in the Times to Come

China never stops challenging the minds of those who study it — or the character of those who rule it. No country has had a history of comparable continuity. And as Chas Freeman argues, none so well illustrates how seldom the future repeats the past — but how easily it can rhyme with what has gone before.

China had a couple of bad centuries, but it is back, and it is on the way to the center of global affairs. As China restores itself to wealth and power, its leaders display a resolute confidence in the future.

But they are also mindful that no one has ever before tried to govern a republic of 1.3 billion people in a territorial expanse the size of a continent. And they are humbled by the task of transforming so many ambitious individuals and obstreperous regions into a harmonious but innovative whole. What are the implications of China's success or failure at this task?

China's prominence

The United States came into being as the age of Atlantic dominance and the Industrial Revolution began to eclipse China and India. Americans therefore have no experience with
If we are to cooperate, we must manage the bilateral tensions that differing moral judgments about more controversial matters make inevitable.
the more normal condition of human history, in which Asia was for millennia the global center of gravity.

One way or another, in the 21st century, China and its neighbors will determine what the resumption of Asian leadership in more and more fields of human endeavor means for an emerging post-industrial world, including for Americans.

Despite the challenges of doing so, we have ample reason to try to understand China and other Asian countries as they are, not as our politicians and pundits prefer to depict them.

From Britain to China

At the birth of the United States of America, what some then called "the Celestial Kingdom" loomed large in our imagination. At that time, China was well over a third — nearly two-fifths — of the world economy.

America's forefathers were soon enough obsessed with breaking past their former British rulers into a direct relationship with the Chinese economy.

Lessons from the Old World

They knew little of China itself, but they had inhaled the European idealization of it as the most ethically advanced and orderly, as well as the most populous, realm on the planet.

As they designed the U.S. system of government, the brilliant political engineers who were America's founding fathers drew on Leibniz' and Voltaire's musings on the secrets of the good society China exemplified to its Jesuit admirers.

And they took note of Montesquieu's condemnation of China's reliance on civility and the rule of manners rather than the rule of law to assure public tranquility. Of course, none of them really knew what they were talking about.

The new fascination

China has now once again captured the American imagination. And, as always, it is a place where ignorance remains no impediment to confident prediction. So it is not surprising that politically expedient assertions about China have become as American as fortune cookies, and as sententiously meretricious as the prophecies and advice these encase.

Almost every ideological faction and interest group in our country now asserts its own vision of the People's Republic. Some do so out of fascination, others out of dread. Many seek to use China to prove their point in our political process or to raise money for the cause to which they are committed.

Some discrepancies

Sometimes, for example, in the matters of Taiwan, Tibet or the democracy movement in Hong Kong, Americans are enlisted by lobbyists acting on behalf of separatist or dissident movements in greater China. Those who wish the United States to go abroad in search of monsters to destroy can always find one worthy of our attention there. China has become a screen on which Americans can project both our reveries and our nightmares.

Some points of discord can't be helped. The fact that the majority of Chinese are agnostics has always been an affront to American Protestant evangelists. Chinese, for their part, have bad memories of gunboats escorting foreign missionaries up their great rivers and of tens of millions of deaths from rebellions instigated by cult religions like the Taiping version of Christianity.

Some Americans will always stand with his Holiness, the Dalai Lama, against Chinese sovereignty in Tibet. Meanwhile, Chinese proponents of Tibetan independence are rarer than British advocates of discarding Wales. China's family planning practices are anathema to the abortion-obsessed religious right in the United States.

In their business

The Chinese, for their part, explain that if the United States had their ratio of arable land to population, as many as three billion people would live in the United States — and Americans might well see population control as a public policy imperative too. And so forth.

These and other tensions deriving from things that China rightly or wrongly regards as its own business rather than ours, rest on honest differences between Americans and Chinese.

How we can get along?

This will not be resolved unless we or they change. Neither side is likely to do that anytime soon. So if we are to cooperate to mutual advantage in less contentious arenas, we must manage the bilateral tensions that differing moral judgments about more controversial matters make inevitable.

To do this, we must not only understand why each side feels as it does, but what it is and isn't actually doing and what the real — as opposed to the imagined — consequences of what it is doing are likely to be.

Such insights are even more clearly essential when it comes to elements of our bilateral and global interactions that affect our vital interests in economic prosperity, national well-being or security. Here the stakes are considerably higher for both societies.

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看过篇文章的网友还在看:

  Agree to与Agree with的分别
  按agree with是「赞成」,其受词可以是人、计划、分析、建议等,例如:
  (1) I agree with the proposal(我赞成这个建议)。
  (2) I agree with his analysis of the situation(我同意他对情况的分析)。
  (3) I agree with every wordyou’ve just said(你刚才说的每一个字我都同意)。
  agree to则可能不赞成,但仍然接受,例如:
  (1) As I had no choice, I had to agree to their very harsh terms(我别无办法,唯有答应他们苛刻的要求)。
  (2) I agree to the proposal(我可能不赞成,但仍接受这个建议)。
  不少人都听过以下说法: You agree with somebody but agree to something (同意某人的话,是agree with;同意某件事,是agree to)。
  但请看张道真《现代英语用法词典》所引英******家沃尔蒲(Hugh Walpole)
  They might not agree with his opinions (他们未必赞同他的意见)、
  名作家王尔德(Oscar Wilde)
  I don't agree with a single word that you have said (你说的话,我一个字都不赞同)
  二语,你就会发觉「不能说agree with something」的原则子虚乌有。
  earnest、serious和solemn三字之间有何区别?
  此三字均有「严肃的」之意,但其间有差别,或另有不同的意思,不宜错用。
  Earnest即serious或over-serious,意为严肃的,或非常严肃的,例如﹕
  He is an earnest student ofEnglish.
  他学英文十分认真。
  但不要说I am earnest,而应说I am in earnest,与I am serious意思相仿,可译作「我是认真的」。
  Earnest亦可解作showing sincerity,意为态度热诚,例如﹕
  He is earnest about giving his son agoodeducation.
  他热

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